Second China-Africa Research Network event, 27 Feb 2008 (!)

The China-Africa Research Network cordially invites you to a lecture by Dr. Ricardo Soares de Oliveira:

'Making Sense of Chinese Oil Investment in Africa'

5.00pm, Wednesday, 27 February Seminar Rm. 2, Queen Elizabeth House, 3 Mansfield Road

Ricardo Soares de Oliveira is a University Lecturer in Comparative Politics (African Politics) at the Department of Politics and International Relations, Oxford University and a Fellow with the Global Public Policy Institute, Berlin. Prior to assuming his post in Oxford in September 2007, he was the Austin Robinson Research Fellow at Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge and an Associate of the Centre of International Studies, University of Cambridge. He has also held research positions at the Sciences-Po in Paris and at the Centre of International and Area Studies at Yale.

Dr. Soares de Oliveira has worked in the field of governance and the energy sector for the World Bank, the European Commission and the French Ministry of Defense, among others. His recent work focuses on the issue of oil and governance in the Gulf of Guinea, where he has conducted extensive research. He is the author of Oil and Politics in the Gulf of Guinea, co-editor of China Returns to Africa: A Rising Power and a Continent Embrace and a contributing author to Bottom of the Barrel: Africa's Oil Boom and the Poor.

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Please send any queries to: aleksandra.gadzala@merton.ox.ac.uk

The “Genocide Olympics:” Not China’s Alone?

Today's online issue of The Guardian had a rather interesting article on China's role in Darfur. In it, Patrick Smith argues that if we are to point fingers at the Chinese for their failings in Darfur, we should equally point fingers at Russia and the West. 

While the argument itself lacks any sort of novelty, it touches on a point that is worth recalling. I certainly do not care to condone China's Africa policy, as I find in it many faults, but I do think it behooves us to remember that the Chinese are not the only ones entangled with the Sudanese government. One need not look any further than France, Malaysia, Russia, and even the United States, to discover similar instances of government relations. Of course the nature of engagement of each state varies, but the point remains the same: they are all there. 

Last week Steven Spielberg withdrew as the artistic adviser to the upcoming Beijing Olympics on the grounds that he could not reconcile himself to aiding perpetrators of gross crimes against humanity (i.e. Darfur). According to Peter Apps, Spielberg's snub is a sign of things to come. Spielberg's decision is certainly noteworthy and a brilliant exercise of the kind of soft power that may ultimately impact on China's Darfur policy, but to expect this to bring about such profound changes as many hope is to engage in nothing but wishful thinking. 

So long as other states continue to maintain relations with Khartoum - in whatever capacity - it is highly unlikely that the Chinese will make any significant changes to their Darfur - and indeed African - policy. In discussions with my Chinese colleagues, I continuously encounter two comments on the Darfur issue: (1) China is not doing anything that is not being done by other international actors; (2) There is a difference between business and government. The businessmen in Sudan do business, they do not engage in government activity. Whether or not they believe the latter is open to debate, but it is the former comment that is most salient.

The Olympics will go on without Spielberg, even without the assistance of others should they withdraw. Moreover, the Olympics will be the most fantastic spectacle of "East meets West" and "East doesn't need/need to be like the West" propaganda the world has seen in some time. My brief visit to Beijing this past September convinced me of the fact.  If we follow Smith's argument to it's logical conclusion, however, it appears that the "Genocide Olympics" don't belong to China alone. If we accept the international doctrine of responsibility, then to some extent the burden of the "Genocide Olympics" falls on all of us. In our failure to effectively aid the people of Darfur we are all in some measure responsible. Some, of course, more than others. 

China, Africa and Western Rhetoric

First, sincere apologies for the recent hiatus; graduate life has a way of catching up with you when you least expect - and/or desire! - it. Alas, much of the insanity has at least temporarily subsided and I hope to update this blog as regularly as possible.

During my blogging absence, my time was instead consumed by chapter deadlines and Research Network events. My colleagues and I hosted the first successful China-Africa Research Network lecture last week, with 55 people in attendance. Speaking with audience members both before and after the event made me increasingly aware of the growing salience of this issue, both for those engaged in international relations and those outside the discipline. Indeed, reactions to Chris Alden's lecture ranged from fascination to horror (at the topic being discussed, not the lecture itself!), and many participants expressed great interest in wanting to discover more about the issue.

In listening to the post-lecture chit-chat, however, I began to notice patterns in our discourse; patterns observed by Emma Mawdsley in her recent article. We speak often of China as the 'villain' and African states as the victims. We speak, generally, on the macro level, discussing issues such as China's 'resource grab' and its relations with rogue states. We speak, too, of the negative ramifications of China's engagement in Africa - its disastrous impact on local industries, its unwillingness to abide by international standards - and fail to acknowledge the ways in which it is aiding many states Western donors have been unable to reach. In all of this one can't help but wonder whether it is our discourse that guides our views of contemporary Sino-African relations, or vice-versa.

Moreover, among the many curious things about Sino-African relations today is that the surrounding rhetoric is neither Chinese nor African. While we occasionally hear of 'mutual benefit' and 'win-win' cooperation (both are terms coined by the Chinese to characterize their relations with their African counterparts), the remaining rhetoric is Western. If we are to truly understand the content and character of Sino-African relations does it not make sense to loosen the grip of Western discourse and allow African and Chinese voices to surface? In our chatter we appear to be silencing those who have the most to say and whose voices ultimately matter most - a strategy that in the end benefits no one.

Publications

Works in Progress:

“Dragon Beats Elephant?: Chinese and Indian Entrepreneurs in the East African Economies” in Emma Mawdsley and Gerard McCann (eds.) India in Africa: Changing Geographies of Power. London: Fahamu, Forthcoming


Dissertation titles:

The Overseas Chinese in Africa: Variations on an Old Theme, with case studies of Uganda, Zambia and Kenya. University of Oxford, 2008

Rethinking the Customary as an Asset: Gender and Land Struggle in Eastern and Sub-Saharan Africa, with case studies of Kenya and Botswana. Northwestern University, 2006

China-Africa Research Network Inaugural Lecture (!)

The China-Africa Research Network cordially invites you to its inaugural lecture, to be delivered by Dr. Chris Alden of the London School of Economics:
'China in Africa - Partner, Competitor or Hegemon? '
5.30pm, Tuesday, 5 February
Seminar Rm. 1, Queen Elizabeth House, 3 Mansfield Road, Oxford

Reception and drinks to follow.

Chris Alden is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of International Relations at the LSE. He has researched and published on Asian-African relations for over fifteen years, and has previously taught at the University of Witwatersrand, the University of Tokyo, the Ecole Normale Superieure and the University of Cambridge.

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Dr. Alden will speak on the topic of his recently published book, China in Africa, which has received much acclaim in both academic and policy circles. In his work, Alden investigates the emerging relationship between China and Africa to determine whether Beijing's multi-billion dollar investments, the influx of Chinese merchants, labourers, and cheap consumer goods will result in effective Sino-African partnership, competition, or the rise of China as the new global hegemon. Alden argues that in order to understand Chinese involvement on the continent, we need to recognize the range of economic, diplomatic and security rationales behind Beijing's Africa policy as well as the response of African elites and communities to China's entreaties. Only then can the new challenges and opportunities for Africa and the West be accurately assessed.

Please send any queries to:
aleksandra.gadzala@merton.ox.ac.uk

It’s the strategy, stupid

This evening I attended a fascinating lecture by Mr. Alex Vines of the Royal Chatham House on Africa's growing strategic relevance for the West. Mr. Vines spoke particularly of US, UK and French interests.

Listening to him speak, I began to recall comments made by my Beijing colleagues with regard to their commercial activity in Africa. "We are not doing anything that Western powers haven't already done," they told me. A cursory examination of Western activities in Africa would suggest that they are, in large measure, right.

America's major African allies are Kenya, Egypt, Ethiopia and Nigeria - none of which have held credible elections in the past few years. The United States has also recently begun down-playing humanitarian causes in Africa to gain leverage against the growing powers of India and China. A foremost example of this is Equatorial Guinea. For the French, the Elf corruption scandal is a blemish on their African ventures, adding to the already existing Rwandan blemishes. The English, too, have had their share of underhanded activities across the continent.

What lies behind many - if not all - of these activities are the national interests of the respective Western powers. The need for oil, resources, and diplomatic allies drives most Western interests in Africa. Out of the countries here in question, only the English stand out for their particular dedication to humanitarian causes, though one must also be careful not to exaggerate the extent of this activity.

Given this history, then, why all the fuss about China? Yes, it is a Communist country; yes, the nature of Chinese business practices are altogether dubious and quite generally in violation of international standards; yes, the Chinese effectively sustain rogue states. We cannot, however, point a finger at China without wagging a finger or two at the West. This is not to forgive China for its sins (which are indeed many), but to suggest that the novelty surrounding contemporary Chinese activity in Africa is slightly exaggerated. Not only have the Chinese been engaged in similar activity elsewhere, but other powers have too.

Two wrongs certainly don't make a right; and this, most certainly, isn't the point I'm attempting to make. The point I am trying to make, however, is that at the end of the day strategy drives both Western and Chinese interest in Africa. At the end of the day, it's the strategy, stupid.

Global migration becoming hot button issue

The recent edition of The Economist has a fantastic special report on global migration, emphasizing many points particularly salient to South-South population movements. Third World migration has for a long time been ignored, but is quickly making its way into the spotlight as scholars and policymakers alike are beginning to recognize its potential developmental implications. 

According to some statistics, approximately 80% of China's inward FDI comes from its overseas migrants. Indeed, the PRC's central and local governments place particular emphasis on the role of overseas Chinese in developing the country's provinces. Similar policies apply in other developing countries, making the need to track and understand South-South migration that much more essential. 

Cape Verde: Gateway to the world

Over the course of my research I've come to familiarize myself with Cape Verde - a tiny country off the western coast of Africa, and the focus of Jason DeParle's brief multimedia in the NYTimes. Cape Verde has for a long time been the mecca of global migrants. While the flow of migration has generally been from the country, the reality is quickly beginning to reverse itself, particularly in the face of the new wave of Chinese migrants.

In the past, Chinese overseas migration was largely driven by politics: today, business is the new watchword. The Chinese are chasing after oil, timber and other natural resources all across Africa. More than this, however, they are quickly establishing small-scale Chinatowns and setting up shops in countless city centers.

At the end of 2003, there were 27 Chinese shops in Sao Vincente, Cape Verde's second largest city. This is a five-fold increase since the mid-1990s. Each shop sells Chinese clothes, shoes, travel accessories, kitchenware and other knickknacks, and together these shops are driving out local businesses or forcing them to diversify the products they sell. Similar realities exist in Uganda, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Zambia, Nigeria - indeed, all over the African continent. 

Until recently, scholars of Sino-African relations have overlooked these micro-level encounters. Yet it is perhaps here that our attention should be focused. My guess is that China's resource grab isn't going to last indefinitely, whereas Chinese shops and restaurants are seemingly here to stay. Cape Verde is just one case in point. Understanding the organization and business strategies of these small-scale businesses, as well as their relations with local society, may be a key to future development agendas and microfinance projects. It is, after all, at this lowest of levels that the true impact of 'China in Africa' is being felt. 

Teaching the Chinese to smile

The 2008 Beijing Olympics will indubitably be a sensational display of "East meets West" and a showcase of just how advanced and "Western" is the PRC. In the run-up to the Olympics, taxi drivers are learning to speak English, citizens are being taught not to spit and now are also apparently being taught how to smile. The unknowing Westerner will be welcomed into a cultured, developed Chinese state and perhaps naively led to believe that Chinese communism isn't so bad after all.

Yet upon reflection, the PRC's modernization campaign is perhaps the most pervasive of all types of communism: not only does it interfere with an individual's personal belongings, for instance, but also tells him or her how to feel and behave. Smile now. Don't spit. Sit up straight. What's worse is that citizens  incur fines if they are caught doing or not doing whatever it is the state tells them they ought or ought not to do. The PRC has become like a nagging mother whom it is impossible to shake. For all talk of progress, too, the recent modernization campaigns differ little from those of the 1950s (as documented in this 1950s anti-spitting video ) And that, I think, leaves little to smile about.

And suddenly, we want the Chinese to stay

A journalist colleague of mine, Ms. Dominique Patton, has for the past few months been covering Chinese business activity in Eastern Africa. Her most recent piece in Business Daily (based in Nairobi) discusses Kenya's dwindling tourist figures since the 27 December election, and the drastic impact this is having on the Kenyan economy (approximately 59% of Kenya's GDP is derived from the service sector, of which tourism forms a significant part).

While the Chinese tourist market is much smaller than the US or UK, it is nevertheless and important emerging market. Many Chinese tourists, too, are not tourists in the traditional sense but come to survey market opportunities; many end up staying and making significant investments in Kenya's various industry sectors. 60% of Chinese tourists are, indeed, business travelers. 

While general African concern regarding the Chinese speaks to there being 'too many,' it appears that Kenyan concerns may now be of there being 'not enough.' Amidst the plethora of mixed feelings regarding Chinese presence in the country - indeed the continent - it appears that today the prospect of the Chinese leaving Kenya (or not even arriving) is a much more daunting prospect than their being there in the first place. It would appear that Africa needs China more than we (or at least I) might have imagined, and a new era of African dependency may be upon us. 

China and the OECD DAC

It’s a curious exercise to run through the list of countries recently noted to be making significant advancements in their trade with developing countries. This, as reported in a recent Asian Tribune article and a 2007 UN Report, “The State of South-South Cooperation.” China, India, Brazil, Malaysia, Thailand, South Africa, India — really, it’s a fantastic game of ‘what doesn’t belong.’

The correct response is of course China. China is the only non-DAC donor on the list, thus removed from various guidelines which bind the other parties. What this means in practice is that no one in the international community is really quite sure as to what’s behind Chinese aid, how it works, or how it fits into the bigger picture of foreign aid assistance. Much of my time at the UN was spent trying to discover this; yet the most I - or anyone - was able to conclude is that Chinese “aid” is not really “aid” in the traditional sense, but is tied to various kickbacks the government hopes to receive in return. What truly lies beneath it is at this point anyone’s guess.

The likelihood of China joining the DAC anytime soon is quite slim. At the same time, China continues to pump billions upon billions of dollars into various projects, most prominently in Africa. Just yesterday the China-Africa Development Fund signed its first batch of investment deals totaling $90 million. In the world of development aid this makes China an anomaly. While incorporating China into the DAC may presently not be an option, the international community must find some way to rope China in - not only for monitoring purposes but also, and most importantly, to successfully coordinate and align development projects to ensure they attain their intended objectives.

With conditions like these, why the surprise?

African and Western labor groups alike lament poor working conditions in Chinese firms operating in Africa. Many African employees work long hours, are paid well below the minimum wage, have no vacation days and often experience physical abuse from their Chinese managers. Without a doubt, conditions such as these are unacceptable and deserving of immediate attention and rectification. 

Before we continue pointing fingers and touting the cruelty of the Chinese in Africa, however, it's worth considering what lies at the root of the problem. The answer, I think, is nothing more than a simple case of continuing with the familiar, as documented in a recent NYTimes article. It is no mystery that labor conditions in China are anything but great. Employees in Chinese factories work long hours, are paid well below the minimum wage, have no vacation days and often experience physical abuse from their managers. Sound familiar? It should.

While a change in labor conditions in Africa must certainly come, such change is likewise badly needly in China. For until Chinese companies grant their own workers the rights they deserve, it's unlikely that these rights will be bestowed unto foreign nationals working in their firms. 

Non-interference? Please.

The Chinese government recently released a statement saying that democracy hurts Kenya; this statement coming in light of the recent post-election violence in the country. The irony of this statement is quite fantastic when one considers Chinese claims of "non-interference" in the domestic politics of African - and indeed all other - states.

Curiously, the Chinese appear to be doing anything but not interfering. Beijing continues to sustain despotic regimes in Sudan and Zimbabwe; African states signing bilateral agreements with China are required to renounce their allegiance to Taiwan and support the "One China" policy (Malawi is a recent case in point); the 2006 Zambian election hinged on the 'China question,' which Chinese officials threatening to cut diplomatic ties with the country if the opposition candidate, Michael Sata, was elected (he ultimately wasn't); and now the Chinese are making pronouncements on the disadvantage of democracy in Kenya! Non-interference? Please. 

Zimbabwe continues to 'look east'

The BBC reported today that China is sending 5,000 metric tons of food aid to Zimbabwe to help the African nation cope with dire food shortages. According to the UN World Food Programme, poor agricultural policies, a declining economy and poor harvest in 2007 have left the African nation with a 1m ton shortfall. 

Shunned by Western leaders and investors, Mugabe's government has turned to Beijing to solve these problems. The two countries established amicable relations in the 1980s, when they both shared the same Marxist ideology (and arguably still do...), and have remained allies ever since. The bond, it would seem, is rooted in a common thinking, one that is based on regime security rather than human security. 

China's lessons for Africa

The World Bank recently released a Working Paper entitled Are There Lessons for Africa from China's Success against Poverty? In it, Martin Ravallion concludes that despite different contextual constraints (foremost among these: African states have higher inequality, higher dependency rates and lower population density), two key lessons stand out. First, "the importance of productivity growth in smallholder articulture, which will require both market-based incentives and public support." Second is the "role played by strong leadership and a capable public administration at all levels of government." 

While these lessons are seemingly correct, neither strikes me as particularly new. Debate over rural development in Africa has been a long-standing issue with policymakers sitting on both sides of the fence. Most of my personal encounters with African leaders would suggest the short-term necessity of such an approach, with a switch to an urban economy when the time is right. The need for strong institutions to bring such reforms to fruition is also not especially novel. For decades Western donors have been emphasizing the need for good governance and institutional reform in African development. 

Why, then, the Chinese comparison? Is it that Africa has 'gone East' so much so that these lessons resonate deeper when presented from a Chinese standpoint? Perhaps. Is this report in part a suggestion that China is quickly replacing the West as a purveyor of foreign assistance and lessons in development. Quite possible. I haven't quite made up my own mind about these issues, but a cursory examination of recent Sino-African relations leads me to answer both questions in the affirmative. Regardless, Ravallion's paper offers an interesting perspective on an old issue. Have a look and let me know what you think. 

Crisis in Kenya

Until recently, Kenya was one of the hopeful stories for activist seeking to advance democracy in Africa. But now, the horrid death toll of nearly 300 people, accounts of church burnings and Kikuyus being hacked apart by angry members of other tribes evoke memories of Rwanda and Zimbabwe's rapid economic decline. The UN cited Kenyan police as saying 70, 000 people have been displaced during the five days of violence, many fleeing to neighboring Uganda and some to Tanzania. Clinics around Nairobi and Eldoret are reported to be running out of basic materials such as gauze, and many of the country's citizens remains without food and shelter. As democracy hangs by a thread in Kenya, the world helps, watches and waits.

There are many lenses through which one can examine the Kenyan crisis. For the United States, for instance, Kenya has been what the WSJ notes is a key regional ally on counter-terrorism. Instability in Kenya thus has repercussions for the entire international community. For the African continent, the crisis brings much deeper social, economic and developmental implications. For the Chinese, too, Kenya's democratic crisis hits at the heart of Beijing's strategic interests. 

Between 2004-2007 Kenya and China signed 12 bilateral accords covering a variety of fields including the economy, technology, energy, tourism, health, aviation, the press, archeology and education - many of which may be jeopardized in the face of Kenya's electoral conflict. Furthermore, the Chinese view Kenya in terms of its strategic positioning and maintain it is the best-placed entry point into Eastern and Central Africa.

Yet if Kenya is indeed as central to Chinese interests as they maintain, then at least I can't help but wonder: where are they? In some respects, the conflict in Kenya is an opportunity for Beijing to rectify its international image vis-a-vis its activity in Darfur and present itself as a defender of human rights and a source of international aid. In November 2007 China offered to help Kenya modernize its military, noting that the support would not only improve the military's ability to ensure security along the borders but also enhance Kenya's role in peace-keeping activities in Africa and beyond. It would seem that such capabilities are necessary now more than ever. 

This is not to suggest that the Chinese assume a central role in the conflict; quite the opposite. What I'm suggesting is that China has an opportunity to assist a floundering state - one which has been its diplomatic ally for over 40 years. While Beijing should stay out of Kenya's politics, it can - and should - assist the country's citizens as much as it can.

A global trek to poor nations, from poorer ones

My interest in Chinese migration led me to two articles published in the NYTimes. In the first, Thomas Fuller tells us that cheap Chinese goods are improving livelihoods worldwide. Concerns over product safety such as those prevalent in the West are essentially moot in countries such as Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam where national purchasing power is generally low, and to own a cheap television or cooking utensil is alone a luxury. 

This is true not only in Asia, but in Africa as well: cheap Chinese goods are infiltrating markets from Kenya to South Africa and Zimbabwe. While the quality of these goods is much like the price (low) and the ramifications on local industries remains somewhat dubious, there is an upside. Indeed, the influx of such goods is increasing the purchasing power of citizens all over Africa. More than that, it is connecting them to a world beyond their own. With Western and domestic products becoming increasingly too expensive, chances are high that cheap Chinese goods will continue to dominate markets across Asia and Africa - perhaps even long after citizens will be able to afford something better. 

Related to this phenomenon is a piece by Jason DeParle telling us that there are an estimated 74 million 'south-south' migrants making the trek from "poorer to poor" countries. Though his article focuses primarily on the Dominican Republic, it speaks of a much wider phenomenon - one of which contemporary Sino-African relations form a significant part. Indeed, once one looks beyond China's 'oil-for-aid' diplomacy and its pursuit of resources, the China-in-Africa phenomenon is analogous to what DeParle describes: Chinese migrants seeking jobs and better wages; some coming for seasonal work, and others putting down roots. 

African development reading list

The following is borrowed from a brilliant list compiled by Ryan Briggs, to which I have added several academic and fiction books I feel are particularly worthwhile. If you have other suggestions please don't hesitate to shout. Goodness knows there's enough material out there to keep us reading until the cows come home (or sheep, if you're in England!).


Articles:

  • Acemoglu, Daron, Simon Johnson, & James Robinson (2005) “Institutions as the fundamental cause of long-run growth”
  • Alesina, Alberto & Beatrice Weder (2002), “Do Corrupt Governments Receive Less Foreign Aid?” American Economic Review, 92(4), 1126-37.
  • Alesina, Alberto & David Dollar (2000), “Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?” Journal of Economic Growth, 5(1), 33-64.
  • Banerjee, Abhijit and Esther Duflo (2006). “The Economic Lives of the Poor,” Journal of Economic Perspectives, 21(1), 141-167.
  • Barkan, Joel & David Gordon (1998) “Democracy in Africa”
  • Birdsall, Nancy (?) “Seven deadly sins of donor agencies…” (or something like that, it is on the CGD website)
  • Bloom, David & Jeff Sachs (1998) “Geography, Demography, and Economic Growth in Africa”
  • Boyce, James & Léonce Ndikumana (2001) “Is Africa a net creditor? New Estimates of Capital Flight from Severely Indebted Sub-Saharan African Countries, 1970-96”
  • Brautigam & Knack (2004) “Foreign Aid, Institutions, and Governance in Sub-Sharan Africa”
  • Chauvin, Nicolas & Aart Kraay (2005) “What has 100 billion dollars worth of debt relief done for low-income countries?”
  • Clark, Anne Marie (1995) “Non-governmental organizations and their influence on international society”
  • Collier, Paul & Jan Willem Gunning (1999) “What has Africa grown slowly?”
  • de Long, Bradford & Barry Eichengreen (1991) “The Marshall Plan: History’s Most Successful Structural Adjustment Program”
  • de Waal, Alex (2003) “How will HIV/AIDS transform African governance?”
  • Easterly, William & Ross Levine (1997) “Africa’s Growth Tragedy: Policies and Ethnic Divisions”
  • Easterly, William (2001) “Think Again: Debt Relief”
  • Easterly, William (2002) “How did heavily indebted poor countries become heavily indebted? Reviewing two decades of debt relief”
  • Easterly, William & Tobias Pfutze, Where Does the Money Go? Best and Worst Practices in Foreign Aid” Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 22, No.2, Spring 2008
  • Ekeh, Peter (1975). “Colonialism and the Two Publics in Africa: A Theoretical Statement.” Comparative Studies in Society and History 17(1): 91‐112.
  • Emery, James (2003) “Governance and Private Investment in Africa”
  • Englebert, Pierre (2000) “Solving the mystery of the AFRICA dummy”
  • Englebert, Pierre (1997) “The Contemporary African State: Neither African nor State”
  • Finan, Frederico and Claudio Ferraz (2007). “Exposing Corrupt Politicians: The Effect of Brazil’s Publicly Released Audits on Electoral Outcomes,” IZA Discussion Paper No. 2836
  • Freeman, Richard & David Lindauer (1999) “Why Not Africa?”
  • Glaeser, Edward et al. (2004) “Do Institutions Cause Growth?”
  • Gordon, David (1992) “Conditionality in Policy-Based Lending in Africa: USAID Experience”
  • Herbst, Jeffery (1990) “The Structural Adjustment of Politics in Africa”
  • Kanbur, Ravi (2000) “Aid, Conditionality, and Debt in Africa”
  • Kaufman, Daniel & Aart Kraay (2002) “Growth without Governance”
  • Kenny, Charles & David Williamson (2001) “What do we know about economic growth? Or, why don’t we know very much?”
  • Killick, Tony (2004) “Politics, Evidence, and the New Aid Agenda”
  • Krasner, Steven (2004) “Sharing Sovereignty: New Institutions for Collapsed and Failing States”
  • Kremer, Michael & Edward Miguel (2007) “Illusion of Sustainability” Quarterly Journal of Economics. vol. 122, issue 3, pages 1007-1065
  • Lewis, Peter (1996) “Economic Reform and Political Transition in Africa: The Quest for a Politics of Development”
  • Lindauer, David & Lant Printchett (2002) “What’s the Big Idea? The Third Generation of Policies for Economic Growth”
  • Mallaby, Sebastian (2004) “NGOs: Fighting Poverty, Hurting the Poor”
  • Mistry, Percy (2000) “Africa’s record of regional co-operation and integration”
  • Ndulu, Benno & Stephen O’Connell (1999) Governance and Growth in Sub-Saharan Africa”
  • Ng, Francis & Alexander Yeats (1996) “Open Economies Work Better: did Africa’s protectionist policies cause its marginalization in world trade?”
  • Pritchett, Lant & Lawrence Summers (1996) “Wealthier is Healthier”
  • Rogerson, Andrew (2004) “The international aid system 2005-2010: Forces for and against change”
  • Simmons, P.J. (1998) “Learning to live with NGOs”
  • Shleifer, Andrei and Robert Vishny, (1993). “Corruption,” Quarterly Journal of Economics, 108(3), 599-617.
  • Subramanian, Arvind et al. (2000) “Trade and trade policies in eastern and southern Africa”
  • Svensson, Jakob, 2005, “Eight Questions about Corruption,” Journal of Economic Perspectives, 19:3, 19-42.
  • Theobald, Robin (1982 ) “Patrimonialism”
  • Van de Walle, Nicolas (2002) “Africa’s Range of Regimes” Journal of Democracy
  • Schatzberg, Michael (1993) “Power, Legitimacy, and Democratisation in Africa”
  • Weinstein, Jeremy (2005) “Autonomous Recovery and International Intervention in Comparative Perspective”
  • Journal of Democracy (1998) - Special Issue on Africa & Journal of Democracy (2001) - Special Issue on Francophone Africa

Books (Academic):

  • Bates, Robert (1981) Markets and States in Tropical Africa
  • Bates, Robert (2008). When Things Fell Apart: State Failure in Late‐Century Africa.
  • Bauer, Gretchen & Hannah Britton (2006) Women in African Parliaments
  • Boone, Catherine (2003) Political Topographies of the African State
  • Bratton, Michael & Nicolas Van de Walle (1999) Democratic Experiments in Africa: Regime Transition in Comparative Perspective
  • Callaghy, Thomas and John Ravenhill (1993) Hemmed In: Responses to Africa’s Economic Decline
  • Collier, Paul (2007). The Bottom Billion: Why the Poorest Countries are Failing and What Can Be Done About It
  • Cumming, Gordon (2001) Aid to Africa: French and British Policies from the Cold War to the New Millennium
  • de Soto, Hernando (1989) The Other Path
  • de Soto, Hernando (2000) The Myster of Capital
  • Dollar, David (1998) Assessing Aid: What Works, What Doesn’t, and Why
  • Easterly, William (2002) The Elusive Quest for Growth: Economists Adventures and Misadventures in the Tropics
  • Easterly, William (2007) The White Man's Burden: Why the West's Efforts to Aid the Rest have done so much Ill and so Little Goo
  • Easterly, William (2008) Reinventing Foreign Aid
  • Englebert (?) State Legitimacy and Development in Africa (there is an article on this also)
  • Gazvinian, John (2008) Untapped: The Scramble for Africa's Oil
  • Harford, Tim & Michael Klein (2005) The Market for Aid
  • Herbst, Jeffrey (2000) States and Power in Africa: Comparative Lessons in Authority and Control
  • Hyden, Goran (1983) No Shortcuts to Progress: African Development Management in Perspective
  • Jackson, Robert & Carl Rosenberb (1982) Personal Rule in Black Africa: Prince, Autocrat, Prophet, Tyrant
  • Jackson, Robert (1990) Quasi-States, Sovereignty, International Relations, and the Third World
  • Joseph, Richard (2000) State, Conflict, and Democracy in Africa
  • Lancaster, Carol (2000) Transforming Foreign Aid: US Assistance in the 21st Century
  • Landes, David (1998) The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why some are rich and some are poor
  • Leonard, David and Scott Strauss (2003) Africa’s Stalled Development: International Causes and Cures
  • Mamdani, Mahmood (1996) Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism
  • Meredit, Martin (2005) The Fate of Africa
  • Moss, Todd (2007) African Development: Making Sense of Issues and Actors
  • Moyo, Dambisa (2009) Dead Aid: Why Aid is not Working and how there is a Better Way for Africa
  • North, Douglas (1990) Institutions, Institutional Change, and Performance
  • Nugent, Paul (2004) The African Colonial State in Comparative Perspective
  • Perkins, Dwight, Steven Radalet & David Lindhauer (2006) Economics of Development
  • Posner, Daniel (2005) Institutions and Ethnic Politics in Africa
  • Reader, John (1999) Africa: A Biography of the Continent
  • Sachs, Jeffrey (2006) The End of Poverty: Economic Possibilities for Our Time
  • Sen, Amartya (1999) Development as Freedom
  • Tangri, Roger (2000) The Politics of Patronage in Africa: Parastatals, Privatization, and Private Enterprise in Africa
  • White, Howard, Tony Killick & Steve Kayizzi-Mugerwa (2001) African poverty at the Millennium: Causes, Complexities, and Challenges
  • Wrong, Michela (2009) It's Our Turn to Eat: The Story of a Kenyan Whistle-Blower
  • Young, Crawford (?) The African Colonial State in Historical Perspective


Books (Fiction):

  • Achebe, Chinua (1958) Things Fall Apart
  • Achebe, Chinua (1988) Antills of the Savannah
  • Devlin, Larry (2007) Chief of Station, Congo: Fighting the Cold War in a Hot Zone
  • Dangarembga, Tsitsi (1988) Nervous Conditions
  • Fanon, Frantz (1963) The Wretched of the Earth
  • Godwin, Peter (2008) When a Crocodile Eats the Sun: A Memoir of Africa
  • Green, Graham (1948) The Heart of the Matter
  • Holman, Michael (2005) Law and Order at Harrod’s
  • Marechera, Dambudzo (1993) The House of Hunger
  • Naipal, V.S. (1979) A Bend in the River
  • Rush, Norman (1991) Mating

About Aleksandra Gadzala


Aleksandra was born in Europe and was raised in France, Canada and the United States. She is a Doctoral Candidate in Politics and International Relations at the University of Oxford and holds a BA (magna cum laude) in Political Science and Philosophy from Northwestern University, and a Master of Philosophy (M.Phil) in Comparative Government (with Distinction) from Merton College, Oxford. Her research examines the evolving dynamics of U.S-Chinese-Ethiopian relations from the period of the Cold War through the present day, analyzing in particular the ways in which the contemporary global rise of China is altering Ethiopia’s strategic calculus vis-a-vis the ‘West.’

Aleksandra works as a Research Officer with the Global Economic Governance Programme, Oxford and as an Africa Region Consultant at the London-based risk and consulting firm, Control Risks. She has previously worked as an Editorial Assistant with the Journal of Eastern African Studies; an Aid Effectiveness Policy Analyst with the United Nations Development Programme, an Analyst with the G8 Research Group, and as a Senior Research Assistant with the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. 


Contemporary Sino-African relations reading list

Several people have approached me enquiring whether I have a reading list on Sino-African relations. Luckily (?), I have a database of 600+ sources. To spare you the task of sorting through it all, I've selected what I think are the most worthwhile reads, starting with the general and moving towards the more specific.
I hope this helps. I'll be sure to upload more titles periodically, so do check back. Also, please do leave suggestions! It's impossible to keep up with all the research coming out these days.